Julia Shaw: Criminal Psychology of Murder, Serial Killers, Memory & Sex | Lex Fridman Podcast #483
7OLVwZeMCfY • 2025-10-14
Transcript preview
Open
Kind: captions Language: en We all have the capacity to kill people and murder people and do other terrible things. The question is why we don't do those things rather than why we do do those things. Quite often most men have fantasized about killing someone. About 70% in two studies and most women as well. More than 50% of women have fantasized about killing somebody. So murder fantasies are incredibly common. The following is a conversation with Julia Shaw, a criminal psychologist who has written extensively on a wide variety of topics that explore human nature, including psychopathy, violent crime, psychology of evil, police interrogation, false memory manipulation, deception detection, and human sexuality. Her books include evil about the psychology of murder and sadism, the memory illusion about false memories, by about bisexuality, and her new book, you should definitely go order now called Green Crime, which is a study of the dark underworld of poachers, illegal gold miners, corporate frauds, hipmen, and all kinds of other environmental criminals. Julia is a brilliant and kind-hearted person with whom I got the chance to have many great conversations with on and off the mic. This was an honor and a pleasure. This is the Lex Freedman podcast. To support it, please check out our sponsors in the description where you can also find uh links to contact me, ask questions, give feedback, and so on. And now, dear friends, here's Julia Shaw. You wrote the book evil, the science behind humanity's dark side. So, lots of interesting topics to cover here. Let's start with the continuum. You describe that evil is a continuum. In other words, the dark tetrd, psychopathy, sadism, narcissism, mechavalianism are a continuum of traits, not a binary zero one label of monster or non-mon. So, can you uh explain this continuum? >> Yeah. So each trait on the dark tetride as it's called which is the four traits that are associated with dark personality traits. So things that we often associate with the word evil like sadism which is a pleasure and hurting other people. Mchavelianism which is doing whatever it takes to get ahead. Narcissism which is taking too much pleasure in yourself and seeing yourself as superior to others. And then there's psychopathy. Psychopathic personality specifically often lacks in empathy. And it's usually characterized by a number of different traits including a parasitic lifestyle. So mooching off of others, deceptiveness, lying to people, and again that empathy dimension where you are more comfortable hurting other people because you don't feel sad when other people feel sad. Now all of those traits, psychopathy, sadism, machavelianism, and narcissism, all of them have a scale. And so you can be low on each of those traits or you can be high on each of those traits. And what the dark tetrat is, it's actually a way of classifying people into those who might be more likely to engage in risky behaviors or harmful behaviors and those who are not. And if you score high on all of them, you're most likely to harm other people. But each of us score somewhere. So I might score score low on sadism but higher on narcissism. And in all of them, I'm probably subclinical. And so this is the other thing we often talk about in psychology is that there's clinical traits and clinical diagnoses like someone is diagnosed as having narcissism or there's subclinical which is you don't quite meet the threshold but you have traits that are related and that are so important for us to understand in the same context. >> So early in the book you raised the question u that I think you highlight as a very important question. If you could go back in time would you kill baby Hitler? This is somehow a defining question. Can you explain? >> Well, it's about whether you think that people are born evil. And so the question of would you kill baby Hitler is sort of uh meant to be something that gets people chatting about whether or not they think that people are born with the traits that make them capable of extreme harm towards others or whether they think it's socialized, whether it's something that maybe in how people are raised is sort of manifests over time. And with Hitler, we know from certainly psychologists who have poured over his traits over time and looked at who he was over the course of his life, there's always this question of sort of was he mad or bad? And with the answer to was he mad? Well, he certainly had some characteristics that people would associate with, for example, maybe sadism with uh this idea that he was less high on empathy is probably also showcased in his work. But in terms of whether he was born that way, I think the answer usually would be no. And actually in his early life, he didn't showcase quite a lot of the traits that later he sort of defined the horrors that he was capable of. So would I go back in time and kill baby Hitler? The answer is no. Um because I don't think it's a straight line from baby to adult. And I don't think people are born evil. So you think a large part of it is nurture versus nature, the environment shaping the person to become to manifest the evil that they bring onto the world. >> Well, and I I would be careful with using the word evil because I think we shouldn't use it to describe human beings because it most commonly others people. It in fact, I think makes us capable of perpetrating horrendous crimes against those we label evil. So for me that word is it's the end of a conversation. It's when we call somebody evil, we say this person is so different from me that I don't even need to bother trying to understand why they are capable of doing terrible things because I would never do such things. I am good. And so that artificial differentiation between good and evil is something that certainly with the book I'm trying to dismantle. And that's why introducing continuums for different kinds of negative traits is really important. and introducing this idea that the there's nothing fundamental to people that makes them capable of great harm. We all have the capacity to kill people and murder people and do other terrible things. The question is why we don't do those things rather than why we do do those things quite often. So I think humanizing and understanding that we all have these traits is the most important thing in in my book certainly. >> Yeah. Yeah, I think a prerequisite of of doing evil, I see this in war a lot, is to dehumanize the other. In order to be able to murder them at scale, you have to reformulate the war as a fight between good and evil. And the interesting thing you see with war is both sides think that it's the battle of good versus evil. It almost always is like that, especially at large scale wars. >> That's right. And on on top of dehumanization, there is also this other thing called de-individuation, which is where you see yourself as part of the group and you no longer see yourself as an individual. And so it's this fight of us versus them. And so you need both of those things. You need that sort of collapse of empathy for other people, the people who are on the other side. And you need this idea that you can be swallowed by the group. And that gives you a sense of also the cloak of justice, the cloak of morality even when you know maybe you're on the wrong side. And and that's where I mean getting into sort of who's on the right side of each war is always a more complicated issue. But certainly calling other people evil and calling the other side evil and dehumanizing them is is crucial to most of these kinds of fights. >> Yeah. You promote empathy as an important thing to do when we're trying to understand each other. And then a lot of people are uncomfortable with empathy when it comes to uh folks that we traditionally label as evil. Hitler as an example. To have empathy means that you're somehow dirtying yourself by the evil. What's your case for empathy? Even when uh we're talking about some of the darker humans in human history. >> My case for empathy or evil empathy as I sometimes call it. So empathy for people who we often call evil. Also the title of my book is evil or in the UK market it's making evil which is a reference to a nature quote which is thinking evil is making evil. The idea being that evil is a label we place onto others. There's nothing inherent to anything that makes it evil. And so I also think that we need to well dismantle that and empathize with people we call evil because if we're saying that this is the worst kind of act or worst kind of manifestation of what somebody can be. So if someone can destroy others, torture others, hurt others. I work as a criminal psychologist. So I work a lot on sexual abuse cases, on rape cases, on murder trials. And so in those contexts that word evil is used all the time to go this person is evil. And if we're doing that then we need to go okay but what we actually want is we don't really just want to label people. We want to stop that behavior from happening. And the only way we're going to do that is if we understand what led that person to come to that situation and to engage in that behavior. And so that's why evil empathy I think is crucial because ultimately what we want is to make society safer. And the only way we can do that is to understand the psychological and social levers that led them to engage in this behavior in the first place. >> So on a small tangent, I get to interview a bunch of folks that a large number of people consider evil. So how would you give advice about how to conduct such interviews when you're sitting in front of a world leader that some millions of people consider evil or if you're sitting in front of people that are actual like uh convicted criminals? what's the way to conduct that interview? Because to me, I want to understand that human being. They also have their own narrative about why they're good and why they're misunderstood and they have a story in which they're not evil and they're going to try to tell that story and some of them are exceptionally good at telling that story. So, if it's for public consumption, how would you do that interview? I think it's important to speak with people whom we or whom a lot of people dehumanize including myself. I mean I also speak with people who I think are or have I know have committed terrible crimes and I have spoken to these people because as a criminal psychologist that's often part of my job. So, what's interesting, I think, when you're speaking to people who have committed really terrible crimes or certainly who've been convicted of terrible crimes is that not only is it potentially insightful because they might give you a real answer and not just a controlled narrative about why they committed these crimes, if they are either maintaining their innocence or they're more reluctant to do that, I think even the narrative that they are controlling that they're being very careful with still tells us a lot about them. So I think certainly in my research on environmental crime as well, what we see is that people use a lot of rationalization and they say things like, "Well, everybody's doing it and if I hadn't done this first, somebody else would have done this waste crime or this other kind of crime." And so there's this rationalization, there's this normalization, there's this diminishing of your own role and agency. And that still tells us a lot about the psychology of people who commit crimes. Because most of us are very bad at saying sorry and saying I messed this up and I shouldn't have done that. And instead what our brains do is they try to make us feel better and they go no you're still a good person despite this one thing. And so we try to rationalize it and we try to excuse it. We try to explain it and there is some truth to it as well because we know the reasons why we engage in that behavior and other people don't have the whole context. So we also do have more of the whole story. But on the other hand, we need to also face the fact that sometimes we do terrible things and we need to stop doing those terrible things and prevent other people from doing the same. >> I find this uh these pictures of World War II leaders as children kind of fascinating cuz it it grounds you, makes you realize that um there is a whole story there of environment, of uh development through their childhood, through their teenage years. You just remember they're all kids >> except Stalin. He was looking evil already when young. >> Well, people used to not smile in photos as well. So, I think looking at historical photos of children or sometimes even kids in other cultures, it's like, oh, why are they all so serious? Um, but our creepiness radars are also way off. So, this is something that I've been interested in for a long time as well. Is that we have this intuitive perception of whether or not somebody is trustworthy. And that intuitive perception, according to ample studies at this point, is not to be trusted. And one thing in particular is whether or not we think someone is creepy. uh including children, but usually the research is done of course on adult faces and with adults. And there's only recently did we even really define what that vague feeling of creepiness is. And it has a lot to do with just not following social norms. And this is something we see that transfers to other contexts like why people are afraid of people with severe mental illness and psychosis. If you're on the the bus or the tube in London and someone's talking to themselves and they're acting in an erratic way, we know that people are more like to keep a distance. There was one study where they literally had a waiting room where they also had people with chairs and the question was how many chairs would you sit away from someone you know has a severe mental illness and the answer is you sit more chairs away and there's a physical and psychological distancing that's happening there and it's not because people with severe mental illness are inherently more violent or more dangerous. That is not actually what the research finds. It's that we perceive them as such because we perceive them as weird. Basically, we go, "This isn't how you're supposed to be behaving and so I'm worried about this and so I'm going to keep my distance." And so creepiness is much the same. And that's where you can totally misfire whom you perceive as creepy just because they're not acting in the way that you expect people to act in society. >> Well, what are the sort of concrete features that contribute to our creepiness metric? Is that meme accurate that when the person is attractive, you're less likely to label them as creepy? >> It depends. If they're too attractive, it can be. So, there's there's effects that interact there. >> That's hilarious. >> Um, and we also don't trust people potentially who are too attractive. Um, but again, deviation from the norm. And so if you're deviating in any way, that can lead to uh well your your assessment being more wrong, but also you assessing people as more negative. And so with Yeah. But with creepiness, the the main thing that bothers me as a criminal psychologist is that tangential to creepiness is this general idea of trustworthiness and that you can tell whether somebody is lying. And I've done research on this as have lots of other people like Alder Fry is one of the leading researchers on deception detection. Uh and he has found in so many studies that is really hard to detect whether someone is lying reliably and that people especially police officers, people who do investigative interviewing, they have this high confidence level that they because of their vast experience can in fact tell whether the person across from them is lying to them. this witness, this suspect, and the answer to that even that if you take them into experimental settings, they are no better than chance at detecting lies. And yet they think they are. And so again, you get into this path where you're going to miss people who are actually lying to you potentially, and you're going to potentially point at innocent people and say, "I think you're guilty of this crime." And you go hard on that person in a way that might even lead to a wrongful conviction. So it's the fact that it's very difficult to detect lies and overconfidence in policing creates a huge problem. >> Not just policing in relationships and in lots of other contexts as well. I mean a lot of je jealousy is born out of uncertainty. Jealousy isn't I know for sure that you have done something that is threatening our relationship. A lot of jealousy is what's in my head because I am assuming that you might be thinking or doing X. And that is also basically an exercise in lie detection and there as well we are very bad at it. >> Is there a combination of uh the dark tetrad and how good you are at lying? Like are people with uh the certain traits maybe psychopathy are better at lying than others. >> There's definitely some research to support the idea that people with psychopathy are better at lying. There's also some research specifically on sort of faking good in for example parole decisions. So when it comes up to someone who is there's a legal decision to be made as to whether this person is going to be released from prison or released from just detention in general and then the person will act in a particular way sort of mimic a good prisoner mimic someone who's safe to be released into society and then the committee goes oh well you know this this person's doing great and so they're ready to to be released and then they make the wrong decision because that person's been faking it. So I think with psychopathy it's a bit complicated. It's there has been some sort of historically as well some concern that certain treatment for psychopathy especially empathy focused treatment makes people with psychopathy more likely to fake empathy and to weaponize it. But then there's other research which finds that if you use other kinds of interventions, it's like Jennifer Schkeeme in California who does research on people with psychopathy who have committed severe crimes and she specifically creates these treatment programs that aren't just around empathy, but they're more around almost learning the rules of society and convincing people that actually being pro-social is a better way to get what you want in life. And so there there's a real need for tailored treatments to deal with especially certain kinds of personality traits, dark personality traits to try and convince people basically actually being pro-social is the better path rather than just going hard on you know empathy and things that they don't maybe also see as faults with themselves. >> Is there a psychological cost to empathizing with so-called monsters? You reference n in the book, you know, gaze into the abyss, the abyss gazes into you. If you study quoteunquote evil or study monsters, it may a bit become that. Is there a danger of that? >> I don't think so. I think that's what people fear. So, a lot of the nature quotes I use as well are some of them I like because they speak to the chapters I write about, but and the issues I write about, but some of them I also like because they are how people think about evil and people who are labeled evil. And I do think with gazing into the abyss and the abyss gazing back, it's more of a you're trying to find it. And and that's why in some ways that doesn't work actually because it isn't a total blank. It isn't the abyss. There are in fact things that you can see even even if it's just superficially and patterns you can recognize to help you and key decision makers especially in legal settings make better decisions around people like this. So when they see these patterns they act a better way. So yeah I I get asked a lot as a criminal psychologist do you carry the cases that you deal around with you? So some of the cases involve, you know, huge amounts of witnesses, huge amounts of um potential w uh victims. And so in these cases, there are very visceral descriptions sometimes of heinous crimes. And I think that as someone who does this work, you can't be someone who sees it as anything other than a puzzle. So you have to look at it and go, here's the different pieces of information. What I am doing is pattern recognition. I'm not here to emotionally invest in each of these victims or potential victims. That's not my role. There's therapists for that. There's other people who do that work. I am here working with the police. I'm here working with lawyers. I'm here looking at it more sort of objectively to see how this all fits together. And so, I think that's how I engage with it. I see it as this this puzzle that I'm trying to figure out. I worry for my own brain that when I confront people and see them as a puzzle, which I do, I see the beauty in the puzzle. All the puzzles look beautiful to me. I'm sometimes uh like a Prince Mishkin character from The Idiot by Dusty, where you just see it's not the good in people, but the beauty in the puzzle. And I think you can lose your footing on the moral landscape if you see the beauty in everything a bit too much because like everyone is interesting. Everyone is complicated. >> It's the classic scientist response as well to what other people in society go oo they go you know this is horrible or this atrocious thing has happened or this shocking existential crisisinducing thing I've just found is you know giving me existential crisis. Um, and scientists instead go, "Wow." And you can sort of see the delight in discovery as well. And I think sometimes scientists read as callous because we enjoy this discovery of knowledge and the discovery of insight. And it just feels like this little light bulb has gone off and you go, I understand a tiny bit more about the human experience or about the world around us. And I think must be similar. I don't I don't know that I feel or worry that I sort of become more quote unquote evil. I think it's more that you add this nuance which I guess sometimes can be estranging to other people. So there's that. So when you speak with others sometimes like even when I say we shouldn't use the word evil, people go no but you have to. Does that mean you're trivializing things? And the answer is no. I'm not trivializing. I'm just trying to understand. Also like sympathizing or being empathetic towards people whom others have written off um is always going to get that response from some people. And I mean there are real questions around whom we're platforming and what that has and what role we have as content creators both of us of the people we talk about how we cover them. Um I often come across this in true crime work that I do cuz I get asked to do TV shows. I host TV shows and I host um BBC podcasts and there's always the question of sometimes people commit murder to become famous and should it be a blanket ban that we don't cover those cases or should we cover those cases but in a different way or should we anonymize the So there's it doesn't mean that you shouldn't never cover that case. It just means that you need to think about it. >> Speaking of which, you've done a lot of really great stuff podcast shows. Uh one of them is Bad People podcast. you co-host it. It has over a hundred episodes each covering a crime. What's maybe the most disturbing crime you've covered? >> One of the most disturbing crimes that we covered on Bad People and just to be clear, Bad People, much like the title evil, is sort of tongue-in-cheek where the idea is it's people whom we refer to as bad people and then it's always a question of like who are these quote unquote bad people and are we all capable of doing these terrible things? But one of the most certainly problematic dark cases that we covered was the Robert Pikton case. And the episodes are called Piggy's Palace because that was the nickname for the farm where Robert Pikton brought victims whom he had kidnapped and then he killed them and he did terrible things to their bodies and uh rumors have it certainly that he fed some of these victims to pigs. Now, one of the reasons I covered that case is actually because it was influential in my own career. So, Robert Pictton is one of the most famous Canadian serial killers of all time. And as I was doing my undergrad at Simon Fraser University in Canada, I was being taught by someone called Steven Hart. And Steven Hart was an expert witness on the Robert Pikton trial. And so, he was keeping us a breast of some of the developments of what he was covering. And it I found it so interesting. And I loved Steven Hart as a person. and he seemed to have this sense of humor, this gallows humor around it all despite being faced with one of the arguably worst people in Canadian history. And I thought that that was so interesting that someone could be so nice and so kind and so wonderful and be an expert witness for these kinds of people. And so that's one of the reasons I went into the field is because of this case as well. And so we had him on the show. So he came on to Bad People and we interviewed him for it. Uh, and he has done um I imagine a lot of really difficult cases. >> Yes, he's done a lot of difficult cases as have other researchers like Elizabeth Loftess who's one of the main founders of the area of false memory research which is what I also do. I do research on memory and false memory and witness statements. And Elizabeth Loftess has also been uh recently actually for the Gileain Maxwell uh case. she was in the press and so she has worked with lawyers to educate the court on memory in lots of really really controversial cases. But the way she would explain it is that it's still her role to just train people and teach people on how memory works. She's not there to decide whether people are guilty or innocent. But she is there to help people distinguish between fact and fiction when it comes to how our memories work or don't. >> So what kind of person feeds their victims to pigs? What's interesting about that psychology? The psychology about Robert Pictton. H I mean he was a tricky person because I think he was profoundly lonely and this is something we see with a lot of serial killers is that um they have this loneliness which I think also not only contributes to them committing the crimes in the first place but also allows them to get away with things because they don't have as much of a social network or any social network that is helping them to do what's called reality monitoring to understand what's true and what's not. And so when you see people get radicalized in their own thoughts, whether that's in in the sense of things like schizophrenia where you've got psychosis, you've got delusions, maybe command hallucinations, that's when you think you're hearing voices and someone is telling you that you have to do something, usually something harmful to other people. And if you don't follow those, you will hear those voices forever. They're profoundly distressing and they are one of the aspects of schizophrenia that if you have it, does make you more prone to violence. And so for these kinds of cases, if you don't have someone intervening, whether that's a family member or a therapist saying h how can you tell whether this thought is real, maybe that thought, maybe you're not hearing that voice, right? Maybe that aspect of what you're thinking isn't true and bring you back and closer to reality, you can just wander off to whatever alternate universe that you might live in in your head. And it's the same with radicalization in other contexts is that you see that people who drift more and more into a certain group that has certain beliefs that are maybe divorced from the evidence, divorced from reality, you can see that people will get more extreme over time. And unless you have a tether that brings you back that allows you to do reality monitoring, it's going to be very difficult to to find your way out of that. So with serial killers, we find this reality monitoring problem. And I think part of that's related to the lack of social networks that people have. >> That's fascinating. So that's one important component of serial killers. What else can we say about the psychology? What motivates them? So if you look at some of the famous serial killers, Ted Bundy, John Wayne Gasey, Jeffrey Dalmer, is there other things we can say about their psychology that motivates them? So interesting. The tether to reality. I mean loneliness is a part of the human condition. It is in fact one of its side effects is you can get untethered and then with some of these brains I guess the untethered goes to some dark place. >> The untethered goes to a dark place and it then is often combined with some of these other dark tetrd traits. So you've got someone who maybe is high on psychopathy, low on empathy, someone who's high on sadism, someone who thinks that it's okay to pursue your own goals. And your own goal can be like with Jeffrey Dmer, um you can be wanting to create the perfect partner, which in some ways seems to be what he was trying to do by killing people and piecing them together and sewing up a sort of new version. There's something in that where I can't help but go, that's so sad. I don't go, "Oh my god, how terri, how awful." And of course it's atrocious. Of course it's heinous. But I have this real sympathy for that. And I think that's important for us to have though and not to say I can't relate to this person at all, but to say that is an extreme manifestation of something I have felt. And the difference between me engaging in that and this person engaging that are these other factors, but the core is is in all of us. Do you think all of us are capable of evil of some of the things we label as evil? >> I think all of us are capable of doing basically the worst things we can imagine. And one of the reasons I think that is because you can see neighbors turning on each other, especially if you look historically at the start of wars or um big political moments where you have people who would have called each other friends, turning each other into the police, uh killing each other, doing terrible things. So I think all it takes is to become convinced that the people you think are your friends are actually your enemies. Whether that's just in your own world or in a larger political national landscape. That I think I don't think it takes all that much for us to be capable of doing terrible things. So that's also why it's really important when things are good and when you're not at war and when you have the capacity to think deeply about important issues to train your mind on these thoughts of knowing that things like loneliness can manifest in these extreme ways that things like uh jealousy and aggression that they can turn into murder that they can turn into these horrible versions and to then also spot the red flags if you start going down that path. I think if we don't rehearse evil, if you will, we are much more like to engage in it, especially in those moments where we don't have much time or energy to really think about what we're doing. >> Yeah. I'm really appreciate the way you think and the way you talk about this. Listening to history, when I'm reading history books, I imagine myself like doing the thing I'm reading about. And I almost always can imagine that like when I'm being honest with myself. >> And it's important to admit that to ourselves. And research on murder fantasies finds that most men have fantasized about killing someone. About 70% in two studies. And most women as well. More than 50% of women have fantasized about killing somebody. So murder fantasies are incredibly common. And certainly according to some researchers, that's a good thing. Being able to rehearse and think through doing the most terrible things is it's a great dress rehearsal for also how we don't want to live our lives and only if you are able to fully think through what would I actually be like if I was engaging in this what would I be thinking who would I be with what would be my the group that I'm charging against this other person you know who who am I there with as you said like really putting yourself in the shoes of these people who've done terrible things. That is how you also realize that you do not want those consequences. And so, yeah, you maybe want to murder this person, but you don't really want to murder this person. That's that intuitive sort of anim animalistic brain coming in. But then, luckily, we have higher reasoning that goes, actually, if you think this through, that's a pretty terrible consequence for yourself. So, the better thing to do is not to murder this person. So, I think it's adaptive to be able to fantasize and think about these things. Obviously, if you start getting to a point where you're ruminating and you're going in these circles where you're constantly fantasizing about doing dark things, especially to a specific person, I'd always advise seeing somebody to talk to a psychologist, for example, because that then does become a risk factor for acting on those dark fantasies. But up to that point, if it's just a fleeting thought or something that sort of in in one day you had these thoughts, that is totally healthy, I would say. And also, I think it's useful to simulate or think through what it would take to say no in that situation. Meaning, once you're able to imagine yourself doing evil things, you have to imagine the difficult act of resisting. A lot of people think they would resist in Nazi Germany. >> Well, most people didn't, and there's a reason for that. Um, it's not easy. Same reason, I've seen this. If something bad is happening on a public street, most people it's the bystander effect. Most people just stand there and watch. I've seen it once in my life. Yeah. This is humans. So it's actually you want to simulate stepping up. >> Yeah. So it's also been called the heroic imagination. So someone who has studied evil quote unquote at length is called Philip Zimardo. He did the Stanford prison experiment and that was an experiment which is I mean it's now been torn apart in various ways. I it was absolutely influential for psychology. It's where uh participants were randomly assigned whether they would be prisoners or guards in a mock prison experiment and then for a number of days they were told to do various things and it got out of control and the guards went way over what they were supposed to be doing and they effectively started pseudo torturing some of these um inmates or these pretend inmates and the whole thing had to be stopped prematurely. But it was really fundamental in showing how just by randomly being assigned into guard the person in charge or inmate you can within a matter of days have a completely different way of thinking about one another. And so Philip Dumbardo has also spoken at length about evil and that all of us are capable of it in the right circumstances. But he also is a big proponent of what he calls the heroic imagination. And the heroic imagination is really what the purpose of everything I do is. The purpose of what I do isn't just to go oo this is curious and to stop there. The point is to then prevent it and to prevent it in ourselves because that's I think ultimately what has to happen. You can't do a top- down sort of government level approach to trying to be so tough on crime that no one will ever commit crime. That's impossible. But you can change sort of to say it in a tacky way, the hearts and minds of individuals to recognize the pathways towards evil and to go, wait, I'm I'm off track. I don't want to go this way and I'm going to stop myself here and here so I can find my way back. And so the heroic imagination is exercising that I see someone on the street. How do I make sure that they're okay? How do I not become a bystander? And actually the bystander stuff is interesting because there was a really famous case, the murder of Kitty Genevvesa. And there were all of these both ear and eyewitnesses. So an earwitness is someone who just hears things and an eyewitness is someone who sees the crime happening. And they didn't intervene in the murder of this woman. And so this case was often taken as this almost example of look how terrible human beings are. We just walk by. We don't care about what's happening to strangers on the streets. And actually what's happened since is that there's been lots of other bystander experiments and they have not substantiated this. So we need to be very careful with looking at these extreme cases and going how horrible that this happened to this one person. And it is but that doesn't mean that that's always how it happens. And so actually what we find in bystander research is that most of the time bystanders do intervene. It's just when there has already been a crowd that has accumulated you read the room and you assume well nobody else has intervened yet. And so it must not be a real problem. That desire to not stand out in a negative way is often what hinders heroicism. I mean that's why we look at heroes, people who especially risk their own lives to save others, especially strangers. We see them with a sort of respect that nobody else gets. And that's because we recognize that we might not be capable of that. If I saw a stranger drowning in a river, would I really risk my life get jumping in the river to maybe save them? It's I think that's a big question mark. And so when people do that, especially when people almost have this inherent reaction that they just jump in, they just go for it. That is something that is a really admirable quality and that we as humans do celebrate and we should and I think often we should celebrate those incidents more and not the you know the bystander moments where we didn't inter intervene. We should be normalizing, intervening. >> And again, again, this idea of heroic imagination, actually simulating, imagining yourself standing up and saving the person when a crowd is watching, they're drowning to be the one that dives in, tries to help. Uh, you mentioned 70% of men and some large percentage of women fantasize about murder. And I also uh read that you wrote that res recidivism for homicide is only 1 to 3%. So that raises the question, why do people commit murder? >> Murder is a really interesting crime because most of the time it's perpetrated for reasons that we don't like as a society. So, as a person who talks a lot to uh the news and also to producers who are trying to make true crime shows who don't necessarily have a deep understanding of psychology, let's just say, and who come at you with myths where you go, "Oh, no. We're not we're not going to talk about that. We're not going to talk about whether or not the mom is to blame for this person killing somebody." Um, I hate that exc. That's one of my my least favorite sort of the trauma narrative of all people who do terrible things must have had a terrible childhood. I think is really problematic. What really happens in murder most of the time, which is not what you see on TV because it's really boring, is it's a fight that gets out of control. And if you look at the real reasons stated, it's things like, "This person owed me $4 and so I killed him. This person stole my bike. This person owed me." It's these really stupid reasons. And it is just this bad decision in the moment, an overreaction to a fight, to an argument. And it wasn't planned. It's not some psychopath sharpening their knives, waiting for months to try and kill this person. And we don't like that because there's something called the victimization gap, which is that the impact of this extreme situation on the perpetrator, there's a huge gap between that and the impact on the victim and their family. So the victim loses a life whereas the perpetrator sure they get imprisoned but that at best right if you will in terms of justice but they don't have the same kinds of consequences and we don't like that we like things that have extreme consequences to have extreme reasons and so that's why I think there's this real desire to show serial killers and to show people who are in fact planning murders for a really long time and then engage in them rather than this fight that goes out of control or someone drink driving or someone who is uh I mean unfortunately intimate partner homicide is also one of those situations that is common um one of the top four reasons for murder as well um but that's not the almost glamorized version that we see of murder online or that we see in the news so I think it's always important to talk about murder as something that is rarely inherent to an individual very few people want to murder they might fantasize about it, but they don't want to go through with it. And very few people who do engage in murder wanted to do it in that instance, never mind again. I think in general, we have the way that we look at lots of crimes upside down. So, we put murderers in prison for a really long time because we think that that's justice, which is sure, that's one version where it's an eye for an eye kind of, you know, life for life. There's obviously the more extreme version of that which is the death penalty which I don't adhere to but I could see the rationalization of well you you stole somebody else's life so you don't deserve to have one but there's also the other side which is if we're looking at prevention murder is really like they're not going to people aren't going to go out and murder again. So that is that's a really low risk in terms of recidivism actually. And high risk are things like fraud and elder abuse and sexual violence. And so in some ways sometimes our sanctions are upside down in terms of how we can actually make society safer and they're in line more just with how we perceive justice to work. So there there's big fundamental questions about how we organize our justice systems and what we want them to be for. >> Can you just linger on that a bit? So, how should we think about everything you've just described for how our criminal justice system forgives if they are very unlikely to murder again? How would you reform the criminal justice system? >> I think forgiveness is up to the victim's families. And quite often when you speak with victim's families there is this divide where you have some who are much more keen on something called restorative justice which is where they what they want is for the person to apologize the perpetrator to apologize to explain how it happened. Also quite often I mean you look at the some of the other consequences and the other context it's sort of like teenage boys who are part of gangs for example is the other context and it's a teenage boy killing another teenage boy. Like these are kids and the parents of a teenage boy understand that this isn't, you know, they don't think of this other perpetrator as this grown man who has I don't know. It's I think we think of it as this fight between the parents of both teenage boys in that case. But really often what parents want is to just understand how this could happen and in some ways to allow the other teenage boy to still have a life and to not steal theirs as well or his as well. So there's that restorative justice model where forgiveness I think belongs to the families. Some families of course want the most extreme punishment. That's also I can understand how that would be a response that's triggered if you've suffered a severe loss. But if we're looking to make society safer, putting people who have killed in prison is actually not the answer. Right? Because if we want society to be safer, it should be based purely on what is most likely to deter crime and who is most likely to engage in it. And that's where I think we've got it upside down. >> If I could just stick to the Bad People podcast, there's an episode on incelss called Black Pill. Are incelss dangerous? So, are they dangerous? What's the psychology of incelss? So that episode was all about what it means to espouse certain kinds of views, especially about women, and what it means to be in an environment that is fueling the fire of well, hatred of gender. And so and and the idea of entitlement. So I think one thing that we see often in crimes of all sorts actually is the sense of entitlement that drives the perception that I'm allowed to engage in X because of something else and I deserve to have a life that looks like this but I don't and so I'm going to go take it or I'm going to go do something to show my dissatisfaction in life. And so if you think that all men deserve to have a happy life, sort of a Disney version um with with a woman at home who's taking care of the kids and it's a sort of white picket fence ideal that we've been sold, we have been told that that is what we should have. Like I I understand where it comes from. And the question though is are we entitled to that or is that the idea that that's something we should strive towards? And I think the answer is no. Nobody's entitled to a good life. I would like to see freedoms and rights manifest in such a way that everyone is able to achieve the kind of life that they themselves want, but you're not entitled to it. And so that's where I think it can get a bit crossed and we can be sold these lies that are basically impossible for everybody in society to achieve. And and understandably, people get angry. And if you're angry and if you feel entitled and if you're in this group where everyone else is thinking the same way as you, yeah, that can make you dangerous. >> And the internet gives you a mechanism to be your worst self. >> And it can reinforce that worst self. You see other people saying, "Yeah, I feel the same way. Do you want do you want me to help you?" >> Oh, the internet. Uh, so one more episode you interviewed the lady Cecilia who got Tinder swindled. Can you can you tell what happened with the Tinder Swindle situation? >> So Tinder Swindler, that was a person who pretended on Tinder to be a rich guy who had this lavish lifestyle and he would match with women on Tinder and very quickly lovebomb them. So he would send them all kinds of messages and immediately start being very emotional, very sharing, pretend that he's messaging from his private jet or actually message from his private jet. but pretend that he's in love with this person very quickly and then he would invite women in this case Cecilia to very expensive luxurious dates. So he would whisk them away to Paris or he would show them his private jet or he would take them to a really expensive restaurant almost to prove that he in fact is this really wealthy guy. And he would simultaneously be building up this story of a future together. And you see this in people who are really problematic in relationships in a lot of way. I mean this is not just in scams or in criminal settings but problematic relationship styles often involve someone who is creating this idea of a future together that you can just see it now. You know our kids in the garden running around. Um you're the only one for me. That kind of language like almost planning your wedding on the third date. That kind of thing is what he would weaponize. And she, Cecilia, was looking for love. She wanted all of those things. And so it worked really well. And what he ended up doing is defrauding her of lots of money. And she ended up taking out loans. And her family were giving her money to help what he was saying was this critical situation, very classic fraud, this critical situation where he was being followed. He was under attack. And he needed her to pay for some things. He needed her to pay for some flights until she ran out of money. And then then then she realized that this all was a big fraud. This was a a love scam. So the reason that we spoke with her is partly to show how it can happen. And I think it's really important to remind people that this is something everybody is capable of believing. Fraud works because people know what we want to hear and they tell us the things we want to hear. And so I think all of us there's a tailored version of fraud that could appeal to basically everybody if they have enough information about you. >> Yeah. And by the way, now in modern day AI could probably better and better do that kind of thing. Do the tailored version of the story that you want to believe and love is a topic on which that would be especially effective. >> Yeah. Cuz you're playing with people's emotions and you know that they're vulnerable in that way. And most people want to be loved and want to love. And so it's a it's a really manipulative way in and it's I think it's really horrible, but it's also something that we all almost underestimate. So we think I would identify fraud. I would know if someone's trying to scam me of money until it happens to us and then we go, "Oh, wait. That that that did just happen." And then we get really embarrassed. And so I think talking about it is really important and seeing it as not this thing that happens to dumb people because that is sometimes how it's framed. It's like such an idiot. She was so gullible. Was she? Or was she just a nice person who wanted to believe that this person was capable of loving her which I would hope we all are. >> Yeah. And I hope she and others that fall victim to that kind of thing don't become cynical and keep trying. >> Yeah. That's right. That's right. Those kinds of things can really destroy y
Resume
Categories